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Low-Fee Private Schooling

Low-Fee Private Schooling

LOW-FEE PRIVATE SCHOOLING: AGGRAVATING EQUITY OR MITIGATING DISADVANTAGE?

Edited by PRACHI SRIVASTAVA

2013 paperback 220 pages US$48.00
ISBN 978-1-873927-91-5

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Low-fee private schooling represents a point of heated debate in the international policy context of Education for All and the Millennium Development Goals. While on the one hand there is an increased push for free and universal access with assumed State responsibility, reports on the mushrooming of private schools targeting socially and economically disadvantaged groups in a range of developing countries, particularly across Africa and Asia, have emerged over the last decade. Low-fee private schooling has, thus, become a provocative and illuminating area of research and policy interest on the impacts of privatisation and its different forms in developing countries.

This edited volume aims to add to the growing literature on low-fee private schooling by presenting seven studies in five countries (Ghana, India, Kenya, Nigeria and Pakistan), and is bookended by chapters analysing some of the evidence and debates on the topic thus far.

The book presents research findings from studies across three levels of analysis that have proven relevant in the study of low-fee private schooling: the household, school and state. Chapters address household schooling choice behaviours regarding low-fee private and competing sectors; the management, operation and relative quality of low-fee private schools; and changes to the regulatory frameworks governing low-fee private schools, and the impact of low-fee private schools on those frameworks.

The book does not seek to provide definitive answers since, as an emerging and evolving area of study, this would be premature. Instead, it aims to call attention to the need for further systematic research on low-fee private schooling, and to open up the debate by presenting studies that use a range of methods and, owing to the context specificity of the issue, draw different conclusions. The hope is that these studies may serve as springboards to further research.

Finally, the book does not aim to snuff out the political and vociferous debate surrounding low-fee private schooling and private provision more broadly, or to erase the complications that abound in conducting research in this area, but to engage with them.

The hope is that as the 2015 target date for Education for All and Millennium Development Goals approaches, this book may help us get closer to answering the question: do low-fee private schools aggravate equity or mitigate disadvantage?

 

Contents:

Prachi Srivastava. Low-fee Private Schooling: issues and evidence

Kwame Akyeampong & Caine Rolleston. Low-fee Private Schooling in Ghana: is growing demand improving equitable and affordable access for the poor?

Shailaja Fennell. Low-fee Private Schools in Pakistan: a blessing or a bane?

Pauline Dixon, James Tooley & Ian Schagen. The Relative Quality of Private and Public Schools for Low-income Families Living in Slums of Nairobi, Kenya

Jonathan M.B. Stern & Stephen P. Heyneman. Low-fee Private Schooling: the case of Kenya

Joanna Härmä & Folasade Adefisayo. Scaling Up: challenges facing low-fee private schools in the slums of Lagos, Nigeria

Yuki Ohara. The Regulation of Unrecognised Low-fee Private Schools in Delhi: potential implications for India’s Right to Education Act

Salman Humayun, Rizwana Shahzad & Roger Cunningham. Regulating Low-fee Private Schools in Islamabad: a study in policy and practice

Geoffrey Walford. Low-fee Private Schools: a methodological and political debate

 

Related titles

Education in South-East AsiaCOLIN BROCK & LORRAINE PE SYMACO

The Globalisation of School Choice? MARTIN FORSEY, SCOTT DAVIES & GEOFFREY WALFORD

Teacher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: closer perspectives ROSARII GRIFFIN

Education, Democracy and Development: does education contribute to democratisation in developing countries? CLIVE HARBER & VUSI MNCUBE

The Changing Landscape of Education in Africa: quality, equality and democracy DAVID JOHNSON

School Leadership in the Caribbean: perceptions, practices, paradigms PAUL MILLER

Private Schooling in Less Economically Developed Countries: Asian and African perspectives PRACHI SRIVASTAVA & GEOFFREY WALFORD

 

SYMPOSIUM BOOKS
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Specialist publishers of Comparative and International Education.
Please see our online catalogue at www.symposium-books.co.uk for bibliographical details, contents pages, and a secure order form.

 

**END**

 

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Online Publications at: http://www.flowideas.co.uk/?page=pub&sub=Online%20Publications%20Glenn%20Rikowski

 

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Public-Private Partnership

PUBLIC SECTOR REFORM: OPENING UP SERVICES

29th September 2011, The Barbican, London.

The government’s ‘Open Public Services White Paper’, due in July, will set out the bold blueprint for the reform of our public services. It is a process that is not just about efficiencies, cost savings or achieving value for money. But an opportunity to rethink and reform how services are designed, to systematically engage with communities and gain a better understanding of how to integrate services and create better outcomes. Releasing services from the grip of state control encourages bids for public work from voluntary groups, charities and the private sector.

The reforms aim to reduce unnecessary bureaucratic burdens, duplication and overspending. Opening up public services to a range of providers fosters greater competition to offer better services, ones that are tailored to local needs and allow for more innovative and flexible models. The government plans see competition as crucial to raising the standards of quality.

At the Public Sector Reform: Opening Up Services conference we will explore how we can seize the opportunities presented in the white paper, engage with communities and new providers, and deliver credible benefits to public service users.

OVERVIEW

The challenge for change has been set – requiring a seismic shift in the delivery of public services. Top-down policy direction has been consigned to the past and replaced by the localism agenda. There can be no doubts that the depth of public spending cuts increased the complexities, debates and urgency of delivering this change. But it is a process that is not just about efficiencies, cost savings or achieving value for money. It is also an opportunity to rethink and reform how services are designed, to systematically engage with communities and gain a better understanding of how to integrate services and create better outcomes. Releasing services from the grip of state control encourages bids for public work from voluntary groups, charities and the private sector. However, many public sector workers are likely to be unenthusiastic over job losses or reapplying to take on a service – is the public sector too risk adverse for such change?

The reforms aim to reduce unnecessary bureaucratic burdens, duplication and overspending. Opening up public services to a range of providers fosters greater competition to offer better services, ones that are tailored to local needs and allow for more innovative and flexible models. The government plans see competition as crucial to raising the standards of quality. What is the role of local authorities in making this new approach work? Responsibility lies in setting up investment and advisory services to help community projects and organisations have a rigorous business plan, ensuring a level playing field, and fair funding and access for all. Council and policy leaders will need to understand the limits of what can be achieved within core budgets and what the acceptable operational risk across services will be.

The reforms are not without sizable concerns, as highlighted by the Deloitte report ‘A Little Local Difficulty’. The report findings suggested that there remains ambiguity on what exactly is meant by the localism and Big Society agendas and how they should be delivered at a local level. How will frontline services be affected in this period of upheaval, and do authorities realistically have the timescales to manage performance, service outcomes and set accountable frameworks?

At the Public Sector Reform: Opening Up Services conference we will explore how we can seize the opportunities presented in the White Paper, engage with communities and new providers, and deliver credible benefits to public service users.

Booking online: http://www.cvent.com/events/public-service-reform-opening-up-services/event-summary-8a1f6a8e93164c64b9342e8c30ab987e.aspx

Speakers include:

Keynote Address
Rt Hon Greg Clark MP (invited)
Minister of State for Decentralisation, Communities & Local Government
“Opening Up Services”

Councillor Richard Kemp (confirmed)
Vice-Chairman of the Local Government Group; Leader of the Liberal Democrats, Local Government Association
“Modernising Public Services: A Flexible and Community-led Approach”

Closing Keynote Address
Julian McCrae (confirmed)
Director of Research, Institute for Government
“Reforming Service Delivery to Meet the Citizen’s Needs”

Further details of the programme can be found online: http://www.publicserviceevents.co.uk/190/public-sector-reform  

Places are limited to 250 and are awarded on a first come, first served basis

If you are unable to attend, please feel free to forward details of this event to a colleague.

If you wish to register your interest in exhibiting or delivering a workshop, you can submit your contact details online and one of our advisors will be in touch shortly.

If you have any further queries, please don’t hesitate to contact me directly.

Mark Barkley
Marketing Executive
mbarkley@p-s-events.co.uk
Publicservice.co.uk Ltd
City Wharf
New Bailey Street
Manchester, M3 5ER

Tel: 0161 831 7111
Fax: 0161 832 7396

Registered in England
Co. Reg No. 4521155
Vat Reg No. 902 1814 62

 

Obviously this is a pro-business takeover of public services conference. It would be good to have some critical voices at this shindig – Glenn Rikowski

 

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David Cameron

‘THE MEANING OF DAVID CAMERON’ – WITH RICHARD SEYMOUR

Wednesday, 26 May 2010
Time: 19:00 – 21:00
Location: Housmans Bookshop
Street: 5 Caledonian Road, Kings Cross
Town/City: London, United Kingdom

Description:
Richard Seymour, blogger of ‘Lenin’s Tomb’ fame, and author of ‘The Liberal Defence of Murder’ will be in store discussing his latest publication, ‘The Meaning of David Cameron’.

The Tories are posing as a ‘progressive’ and ‘radical’ alternative to New Labour. Drawing from George W Bush’s ‘compassionate conservatism’, they maintain that the ‘Big Society’ can do what ‘Big Government’ cannot – produce a cohesive, mutually supportive, happy society. Cameron’s court intellectual, Philip Blond, maintains that this if David Cameron’, which is a viable alternative to the failures of the egalitarian left and the excessively pro-market right. But is this more than campaign mood music? And are the conservative traditions that they draw on – from the bucolic, pseudo-medievalism of G K Chesterton to the anti-statism of Friedrich Hayek – really a bulwark of progress and radicalism?

Richard Seymour argues that such ideas can only seem ‘progressive’ in light of New Labour’s acquiescence to Thatcherism. To understand the Cameronites, it is necessary to understand how the social landscape and corresponding political language was transformed by the collapse of post-war social democracy and its more radical competitors. To resist the Cameronites, he argues, it is necessary to attack the neoliberal consensus on which all major parties found their programme.

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Dave Hill

STATEMENT AND EDUCATION POLICY MANIFESTO – BY DAVE HILL

Statement and Education Policy Manifesto by Dave Hill

Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition Parliamentary Candidate for Brighton Kemptown

Details at: http://www.brightontusc.blogspot.com

I have spent my lifetime as a teacher in ‘challenging’ primary and secondary schools, in teacher ‘training’ and in universities trying to tackle inequalities in schooling: inequalities that result in millions of working class children having far less educational opportunities – and subsequently, usually lower paid jobs – than the children of richer parents; especially the 7% who go to private schools – and snap up most of the highest paid, elite, jobs.

The very choice of what and how it should be taught, how and what schooling should be organised, how it should be funded, and where and how the funding should be targeted, and a consideration of ‘who wins and who loses’ through all of the above, are all intensely political. And we want that politics to be in the interests of the millions not the millionaires!

I come from a working class family brought up in some poverty: for example on free School Meals (like a million others!) in St. Martins’ St., off the Lewes Rd., Brighton. I went to Westlain Grammar School, my brothers to under-funded secondary modern schools, such as Queens Park and Moulscoomb. Three times as much was spent on the education of grammar school students than on Secondary Modern students! My children went to local state schools. The inequalities I have witnessed – and lived – as a child, as a teacher and socialist political activist, have led me to spending my life fighting for greater equality in education and society, and against racism, sexism and against homophobia.

What an indictment of our divisive education system that students from private schools are 25 times more likely to get to one of the top British universities than those who come from a lower social class or live in a poor area! And that (in 2008) only 35% of pupils eligible for free school meals obtained five or more A* to C GCSE grades; compared with 63% of pupils from wealthier backgrounds.  This stark education inequality mirrors that in our grossly unequal society.

It is incredible, actually it is only too believable, in Britain today, that the richest section of society has 17 years of healthy life more than the least well-off in society. The minimum wage should be raised by 50%. How can people – decent hard working people like some in my own family, live on take-home pay of less than £200 a week! And there should be a maximum wage, too! Nobody, banker, boss, or buy-out bully, should be on more than £250,000 a year. This figure should reduce progressively so that within 10 years no-one is taking more than four times the average wage, nobody should be creaming off £27 million or £67 million a year for example! Certainly not when there are 4 million children living in poverty! I was once one of them. I was helped by the welfare state. We need our public services.  We need to improve them, not cut them; not attack them.

All three parties, New Labour, Lib Dem, and Tory, dance to the music of big business. All are promising cuts. Whatever they say, those cuts will hit schools, children, and the quality of education in our state schools. Already we are seeing staff cuts and course closures in universities up and down the country. In Brighton, for example, both Brighton and Sussex Universities are promising to cut out the nurseries, and Sussex to chop over 100 jobs. Brighton University is proposing to cut its Adult Ed art courses. Vandalism! Cutting popular and widely used public services!

And don’t believe cuts are necessary. They’re not! Cutting the Trident nuclear submarine replacement programme, bringing troops home from Afghanistan and Iraq, stopping the Identity Card programme, and collecting even some even of the £120 billion in taxes unpaid by the rich… yes, £120 billion!…would mean cuts are not necessary at all!

But you won’t hear that from the other parties, just from Socialists, like the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition, and from Respect.

A Socialist Manifesto for Education is:

[1] Cut class sizes (they are currently some of the largest in the rich world- much larger than in private schools for example). According to OECD research Britain is 23rd out of 30 developed countries in terms of large class size. Other countries such as Finland have a maximum class size of 20. Finland is widely seen as providing an extremely high quality of education. For a maximum class size of 20 by 2020 in both primary and secondary schools!

[2] Abolish league tables and abolish SATS (some external testing is necessary, but SATS so very often restricts teaching to ‘teaching to the test’, and results in undue stress (and an increase in bedwetting, compared to the pre-SATS era, for example).

[3] Restore local democratic control of ‘Academies’. They should be run by the democratically elected local councils, and keep to national pay and conditions agreements. Why should rich businessmen and women take control of any of our schools? Let’s keep the added investment- but it’s the government that pays for that added investment anyhow! Let’s keep and enhance the added investment, but distribute it fairly between all schools. Our schools and the children in them are not for sale! Nor, through uneven funding for different types of school (e.g. Academies) should some schools be set up for success at the expense of others being set up (and under-funded) for relative failure.

[4] Private profiteering out of our schools! Bring the education services hived off to private profiteers back into either national or local private ownership! These include Ofsted, Student grants, school meals, cleaning and caretaking.

[5] Free, nutritious, balanced school meals for every child to combat poor diets, obesity, and… yes… for some children… hunger!

[6] Restore free adult education classes in pastime and leisure studies as well as in vocational training/ studies

[7] Restore free, state-funded residential centres and Youth Centres/Youth clubs for our children so they can widen their experiences of life in safe circumstances and enhance their education beyond the confines of the home or city.

[8] For a fully Comprehensive Secondary School system; so that each school has a broad social class mix and mix of ability and attainment levels. 

[9] For the integration of Private schools into the state education system – so that the goodies of the private school system are shared amongst all pupils/ students. All schools to be under democratic locally elected local council control. No to Private Schools. No to religious groups running schools. No to big business / private capital running our schools and children! 

[10] Free up the curriculum so there can be more creativity and cross-subject/ disciplinary work.

[11] Get Ofsted and their flawed tick-box system off the back of teachers. The results of Ofsted are to penalise even the best schools (outstanding in every aspect- other than in SATS attainments) in the poorest areas.

[12] Encourage Critical Thinking across the curriculum. Teach children not ‘what to think’, but ‘how to think’: including how to think critically about the media and politicians.

[13] Teach in schools for ecological literacy and a readiness to act for environmental justice as well as economic and social justice. Encourage children to ‘reach for the stars’ – and to work for a society that lets that happen – a fairer society with much more equal chances, pay packets and power, and about environmental and sustainability issues.  

[14] Proper recognition of all school workers, and no compulsory redundancies. For teachers, secretarial and support staff, teaching assistants, school meals supervisory assistants, caretaking staff, there should be workplace democratic regular school forums in every school. Regarding jobs (for example the threatened job cuts at Sussex University – and the ‘inevitable’ job cuts in every? school after the election – and no compulsory redundancies – any restructuring to be conditional on agreement with the trade unions.

[15] Setting up of school councils – to encourage democratic understanding, citizenship, social responsibility, and a welcoming and valuing of ‘student/pupil voice’.

[16] Ensuring that schools are anti-racist, anti-sexist and anti-homophobic – making sure schools encourage equality, welcoming different home and group cultures. As part of this, anti-bullying practices in every school must be fully implemented, to combat bullying of all sorts, including racism, sexism, homophobia, and bullying based on disabilities. And this should be not just in anti-bullying policies, but also be part of the curriculum too!

[17] An honest sex education curriculum in schools that teaches children not just ‘when to say no’, but also when to say ‘yes’; a programme that is focused on positives and pleasure and personal worth, not on stigmatising sex and sexualities.

[18] No to ‘Faith Schools’ and get organised religion out of schools. If Christians, Jews, Muslims, Hindus, Zoroastrians, or whichever religion wishes to teach religion, let them do it in their own time, places of worship (Saturday/Sunday schools) or in their supplementary or complementary schools. Teach ethics and spirituality by all means, and teach about religions. But no brainwashing. Teach a critical approach to religions.

[19] Broaden teacher education and training so that the negative effects of the ‘technicisation and de-theorising’ of teacher training (that were the result of the 1992/1993 Conservative re-organisation of what was then called teacher education- subsequently retitled teacher training). Bring back the study and awareness of the social and political and psychological contexts of teaching, including an understanding of and commitment to challenge and overturn racism, sexism, homophobia and other forms of underexpectation and discrimination – such as discrimination against working class pupils.

[20] A good, local school for every child. No school closures! “Surplus places” should actually mean lower class sizes! And increased community use of school facilities.

[21] A completely fully funded, publicly owned and democratic education system from pre-school right through to university. Education is a right not a commodity to be bought and sold. So: no fees, like in Scandinavia, Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, where education up to PhD level is free. No to university or further education/vocational training fees! And bring in a living grant for students from less well-off backgrounds/ income.

In my jobs, firstly as a teacher, and now as a Professor of Education (and writer/editor of 17 books on education and equality) I have been round hundreds of schools. Many of them are brilliant. Schools in the poorest areas, schools in better off areas! Brilliant. But, with better funding, smaller class sizes, an end to the destructive competition between schools (if every school is a good local school) and with more professional judgement being allowed for teachers- then I look forward to a time when all state schools match the class sizes and results of the currently more lavishly funded private schools’. And working class kids – black, brown, white – get the fair deal currently trumpeted – but in actuality denied – by all three major parties.  

Professor Dave Hill, The Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition (TUSC) parliamentary candidate for Brighton Kemptown

Professor Dave Hill teaches at Middlesex University and is Visiting Professor of Critical Education Policy and Equality Studies at the University of Limerick, Ireland.

The Brighton Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition blogspot is at: http://www.brightontusc.blogspot.com

Dave’s Wiki and Publications are at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dave_Hill_(professor)

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