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images (1)THE LABOUR PARTY, EUROPE AND CIVIC ENGAGEMENT: PEOPLE’S EMPOWERMENT OR MISPLACED IDEALISM?

Half-Day Workshop at THE University of East London

7 March 2015. Venue: UEL / Stratford Campus

Convenors: Centre for the Study of States, Markets & People (School of Business & Law, University of East London); Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence (King’s College London); and the School of Politics & International Relations (SPIRE, Keele University)

The Labour Party, Europe and Civic Engagement: People’s Empowerment or Misplaced Idealism?

Jeremy Corbyn’s ideas of “Peoples Quantitative Easing” (PQE), progressive taxation, a new welfare state in the UK and changing the European Union from a neo-liberal monetarist construction to a civilised, multi-cultural and pro-labour space for good governance are gaining traction amongst informed practitioners of finance, politicians, academics and beyond. But can wider communities and constituencies be engaged, and how? The theme of “civic engagement” would appear to empower people, engaging civil society and local communities with pro-growth and pro-welfare initiatives across Britain and Europe. The workshop aims at exploring the new ideas of the Labour Party examining their appeal and whether or not they further civic engagement empowering the citizen, or whether it is just another form of misplaced idealism with no possibilities to deliver.

Themes to explore include:

What is the relationship between Labour Party and the EU in both historical and contemporary perspectives? What’s the Labour Party stance on the EU today? What are the key ideas and policies of the Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn and how do they engage with civil society and the key constituencies of the youth and middle classes? Are Labour Party’s new policies an alternative to austerity and how do they impact on current taxation regimes and inflation? Do Labour Party’s new policies augment the distance between Britain the EU? How do local communities can benefit from the Labour Party and vice versa? What would be the likely impact of Labour Party’s policies on education and the University sector from their possible im plementation in the future? Can PQE (People’s Quantitative Easing) lead to a re-industrialisation of Britain and how does it fit with the overall economic policy of the “New Labour” (abolition of tuition fees, re-nationalisation of railways, new taxation regime etc.)?

Contact and further information: Ejike Udeogu, Lecturer in Economics, School of Business & Law, University of East London, e.udeogu@uel.ac.uk

The convenors thank The Political Quarterly for its generous support

First Published in http://www.historicalmaterialism.org/news/distributed/the-labour-party-europe-and-civic-engagement

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Tony Benn

Tony Benn

REMEMBERING TONY BENN

An evening to celebrate his life

5th June 2014

6.30pm

Camden Town Hall, London

Upcoming event: Stop the War will host an evening of appreciations, memories, spoken word, film and music to celebrate the life and politics of Tony Benn, the former president of the Stop the War Coalition who passed away in March.

The celebration will take place on 5 June at 6.30pm at Camden Town Hall in London.

Tickets are available online from Eventbrite or over the telephone on 020 7561 4830.

Full details of speakers and performers will be announced shortly.

Share the event with your Facebook friends

Buy your ticket online

 

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Tony BennTONY BENN: ASSESSING HIS LEGACY FOR THE LEFT

The Socialist History Society is holding a seminar on Tony Benn’s contribution to British politics; it will look at the historical roots of his commitment to socialism, his record in and out of office, some of the key causes he championed such as peace and nuclear disarmament and his role as a populariser of history.

The event will take place on: Saturday 26th April between 2pm and 4.30pm at Conway Hall, in London.

Entry free of charge

 

Speakers:

Keith Flett (London Socialist Historians Group),

Duncan Bowie (Westminster University/Chartist magazine),

Prof Willie Thompson (Historian, former editor Socialist History)

Stefan Dickers (Bishopsgate archivist)

Jon Lansman (editor Left Futures/CLPD)

Stan Newens (ex-MP, ex-MEP; President SHS)

Kate Hudson (CND)/historian)

 

Further info: morganshs@hotmail.com

First published in http://www.historicalmaterialism.org/news/distributed/tony-benn-assessing-his-legacy-for-the-left-26-april

**END**

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The Match Women

The Match Women

MATCHWOMEN’S STRIKE 2013 FESTIVAL

Bishopsgate Institute

London

6th July 2013

11.00am – 11.00pm

Admission Free (but register for tickets)

Family Friendly

Celebrate the 125th anniversary of the Matchwomen’s victory, and the beginning of the modern labour movement

125 years ago the Matchwomen’s gallant struggle and victory against all the odds led to the new union movement. For far too long they have been unsung heroes in the pages of history. Celebrate the 125th anniversary of the Matchwomen’s victory and the beginning of the modern labour movement!

The festival will be the kind of ‘knees- up’ the Matchwomen themselves would have enjoyed – there will be bands, comedians and actors, choirs, stalls, and great food and drink.

In July 1888, several hundred women walked out of an East London match factory – and changed the world. The strike was a reaction to management bullying and terrible conditions, and it should have failed. Bryant & May were powerful and prosperous, with friends in government. The women were mere ‘factory girls’, and even worse, mostly Irish. But their courage, solidarity and refusal to back down impressed all who saw it. What they revealed about conditions inside the factory, including the horrors of the industrial disease ‘phossy jaw’, shamed Bryant & May, and their shareholders, many of whom were MP’s and clergymen. In just two weeks, the women won better rates of pay and conditions, and the right to form the largest union of women in the country.

Their victory was remarkable, but until now, rarely acknowledged as the beginning of the modern trade union movement. Following the Matchwomen’s victory a wave of strikes, including the 1889 Great London Dock Strike, swept the nation. Multitudes of the most exploited workers formed new unions, sowing the seeds of the modern labour movement, and Labour Party. The Dock Strikers never denied the Matchwomen’s influence. In the throes of the Dock Strike, leader John Burns urged a mass meeting of tens of thousands to ‘stand shoulder to shoulder.

Remember the Matchwomen, who won their fight and formed a union.

Speakers & Performers include: Tony Benn, Owen Jones, Lindsey German, Robb Johnson, Anna Davin, Professor Jane Martin, Michael Rosen, The Socialist Choir and many more, with lots of events for children and young people.

Website and Registration for Tickets: http://www.matchwomensfestival.com/

Bryant & May

Bryant & May

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Cold Hands & Quarter Moon, ‘Stagnant’ at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GLjxeHvvhJQ (live, at the Belle View pub, Bangor, north Wales); and at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YkP_Mi5ideo (new remix, and new video, 2012)

‘Cheerful Sin’ – a song by Victor Rikowski: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tIbX5aKUjO8

 

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The Match Women's Strike

The Match Women’s Strike

Strength in Numbers

TO FIGHT AUSTERITY WE NEED A UNITED LEFT

By Simon Hardy, Anticapitalist Initiative (Britain)

October 9, 2012 –  Submitted to Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal

The urgent need for unity on the radical left is something that has been eloquently put forward by Dan Hind on the Al-Jazeera website. Asking a very pertinent question as to whether there can be a SYRIZA-type organisation in Britain, Hind draws out some of the most important lessons of the Greek struggle and poses a challenge to the British left — can we break out of the ghetto as well?[1]

To plot a possible trajectory we have to be clear of the political alignment that has emerged for the left under the Conservative Party-Liberal Democrat coalition government. While Ed Miliband’s Labour Party might be surging ahead in the polls, the possibility of a Labour left revival is simply not on the cards. The Labour Party is hollowed out and bureaucratically controlled and all the best intentions and actions of Labour left activists will not change that. The Labour left is reduced to the old argument that there is nothing credible outside the Labour Party. They mockingly point to all the twisted contortions of the far left in Britain in the last decade (Socialist Alliance, Scottish Socialist Party, Respect, Trade Union and Socialist Coalition, Left list, Respect renewal, etc.) to forge a new unity and conclude that the Labour Party is the only show in town.

But this is not an argument made from the Labour Party left’s strength, it is an argument about the radical left’s weakness. They cannot point to any meaningful gains made by the Labour left in recent years because there hasn’t been any. Even the Labour Representation Committee (LRC), the only significant bastion of the socialist left in the party, has failed to grow. On the crucial issue of the coalition government’s spending cuts they couldn’t even get any commitment from their municipal councillors to vote against cuts to local government budgets. Some have claimed that the Labour Party could act as a dented shield against the coalition onslaught, but the truth is that the Labour Party is no shield at all.

The most significant recent press offensive by the Labour Party has been to force the government to re-examine the west-coast mainline rail franchise deal, not to re-nationalise it but to try and keep Richard Branson’s Virgin Trains on the line. Yet barely a peep about the privatisation of the National Health Service, including privatising the pharmacies, some of which are also being taken over by Branson’s Virgin company.

The Labour left is generally principled on issues like privatisation and fighting austerity, but they are drowned out by the party apparatus, which is overwhelmingly neoliberal and anti-socialist. John McDonnell’s failure to even get on the leadership ballot in 2010 speaks volumes. As does the obvious non-growth of the labour left activist base. The magazine Labour Briefing, which recently became the official organ of the LRC, probably has a readership of around 500-600 people, smaller than some of the revolutionary left newspapers.

This is not to say that the Labour left has no role to play – far from it – they should just face reality squarely in the face and realise that reclaiming the Labour Party is a dead-end project.

But there is some truth in their criticism of the revolutionary left. Even where we have built new organisations that looked like they were about to achieve lift off (Respect, SSP), they collapsed in ignominy, usually caused by ego clashes and ridiculous control freakery by various organisations. While some of us criticised the political basis of these projects, the reality is that the political weaknesses barely even had time to come to the surface – the inveterate problems of the far left ran these initiatives into the ground long before they even had a chance to be put to the test of any kind of political power.

So a Labour left that can’t get anywhere and a revolutionary left that can’t get anywhere.

What lessons can we draw from these ”realities”? Certainly pessimism, although understandable, would be the wrong conclusion. The lesson of SYRIZA shows what can be done if the left gets its act together, puts aside its own empire-building projects and tries to do something that might actually make a difference. We have to start from the objective situation and work backwards – the reality of the cuts and a potential lost decade to austerity needs to sharpen our minds and our resolve. Starting from the necessity of a united, credible left we can work backwards to imagine the steps that we can take to get there.

I would go so far as to say that anyone at the present time who opposes attempts towards greater unity is, perhaps unconsciously, holding back the movement. The crisis is so acute and the tasks of the hour so urgent that we have no time for people who spend their hours constructing excuses for fragmentation, isolation and weakness. They are the past, and we desperately need a future.

Dan Hind is right and his voice joins a growing chorus of others who see the need for unity on the left. Does this mean every sect and group can just get together? No, of course real differences emerge. But there is so much that unites us in the current political context that it is criminal – absolutely criminal – that none of the larger groups are seriously talking about launching a new united organisation. The three-way division of the anti-cuts movement is the bitter fruit of this backward attitude on the British left — a situation that should deservedly make us a laughing stock in other countries.

If the success of SYRIZA raises the benchmark for what the left can achieve then the natural next question is, “How could we create an organisation like SYRIZA in Britain?“ I think this question should dominate the discussions on the left in the coming months. But let’s be clear – I am not saying we should just transplant SYRIZA’s program and constitution and graft it onto the British left. Such an attempt would be artificial. An organisation like SYRIZA means a coalition of the radical left, united against austerity, united against privatisation, united in action and united in fighting social oppression. The kind of program that any new initiative adopts is largely the result of who is involved in it, certainly it should have an anti-capitalist basis, though it can leave some of the bigger questions unresolved, at least initially.

Let’s focus on the goals that Hind identifies: “campaign for an end to the country’s predatory foreign policy, for the dismantling of the offshore network, for democratic control of the central banks, urgent action to address the threat of catastrophic climate change, and reform of the national media regimes.”

Each constituency does not need to dissolve itself, we just need to ensure checks and balances to prevent “swamping” of meetings. Each local unit of the organisation would retain certain autonomy while a national committee was permitted to adopt political lines, within the remits established at a conference. If an organisation or individual does not like any of the policies then they should have full freedom to speak their mind about it, while accepting that there is unity in the campaigns and actions the organisations agrees to pursue.

Everyone has to accept that they might be minoritised at some point. But they also have to understand that abandoning the organisation over a constitutional dispute or over this or that policy means abandoning the vital struggle for building a credible radical left in this country. Do people want us to live in glorious isolation for another decade or more, as people’s living standards plummet?

We also have to overcome the very real difference in size between constituent parts on the left. The Socialist Workers Party (SWP) for instance is still the largest group on the radical left in Britain, although it is much smaller than it was when I joined the left in 2001. Members of the SWP argue that launching a new party is not practical because, as they will numerically “dominate it”, it would cause problems (as it has in the past). But there are a number of ways to overcome this, if there is a political will to make it happen. Changing the culture on the left also means changing how we “intervene” into campaigns or broad organisations, and taking a more open approach, transforming sects into networks and “giving of yourself” for the greater need of the new organisation, these can all be thoroughly healthy steps to take.

Possible alternatives, definite pitfalls

The danger is that the left attempts some kind of united initiative, but limits it to an electoral coalition – replicating the Socialist Alliance (1999-2004) but without the enthusiasm. While a genuine socialist alliance would be a step forward from the current situation, it will suffer the same crisis as the last version, where all the left groups did their campaigning work under their own banners but stood together only in the election.

Let’s put it bluntly, British people generally don’t vote for electoral coalitions. They are here today and gone tomorrow, people respect the concept of a party or at least something more tangible that looks like it is going to last beyond the next internal spat. The Scottish Socialist Party was credible because it was united and forced the smaller groups involved to campaign as SSP activists first and foremost. Putting party before sect is essential to the success of any project, just as it was in the early days of the Labour Party or any of the Communist parties internationally.

The Respect débâcle shows the danger of personality politics (the “great man” view of politics, when the entire project is hung around one person’s neck). But its fragmentation also shows what happens when large constituent groups (in this case the SWP) act like control freaks and treat a coalition like their personal property. Although they blamed the disastrous outcome on John Rees, the fact is that the entire party was complicit in the mistakes that were made, both opportunism in political terms and bad practice in the organisational centre of the party. It was a feeling of loss of control when Galloway started to criticise the SWP’s handling of Respect that led the SWP leadership to “go nuclear” in the words of one protagonist.[2] While we can be critical of the conduct of Galloway and some of his positions, the complaint about organisational manoeuvres and people swamping meetings is one that many on the left will be sadly familiar with. This kind of practice must stop.

The political problem with Respect was not so much its “liberal” program, at the end of the day it was largely old Labour social democratic in much of what it said, the unstable core at the heart of it was the drive for electoral success with people who had no real interests in extra-parliamentary movements and struggles. A temporary alliance with careerists can come back to bite you, as it did for Respect in the east end of London, where Respect councillors jumped ship, first to the Tories and Liberal Democrats and then to Labour.

Again this points up the importance of political movements on the streets and in the workplaces as being paramount, with elections as a subordinate part of that strategy. Moreover, it means a much more democratic and accountable relationship between any elected representatives and the rank and file members, one where they are subordinated to the wider organisation and struggle, and not seen as its “leaders” merely because they have been elected to a position within the capitalist state. This is a point that SYRIZA will also have to debate out in the coming months.

Today the remains of the cycle of left unity initiatives exists in the form of the Trade Union and Socialist Coalition (TUSC), an electoral alliance between the SWP and the Socialist Party (CWI), as well as a handful of independents. But again the TUSC only exists for elections and has no activist base. It seems to be doubtful that the TUSC can be transformed into something better; rather it appears to be a marriage of convenience for the two bigger Trotskyist groups. Its last conference had less than 60 people at it, despite the fact that the combined membership of the constituent groups must be over 1000 – real decisions are of course taken by the SWP and SP party leaderships.

While the past should not be forgotten, it can be forgiven, if people can prove their earnest support for a new initiative. Otherwise we are locked in a vicious circle with no way out.

Differences with SYRIZA

Regardless of the subjective problems of the British left’s sect-building ethos, there are two objective problems if we consider ourselves in relation to what the Greek left has achieved. The first is that SYRIZA’s success is clearly the result of a country in complete meltdown. Wage cuts of 40% and closure of important services is at a qualitatively higher level than anything we have in Britain… so far. We shouldn’t lose sight of the fact that only around 10% of the cuts have gone through, so worse is to come.

Second, Syriza was launched in 2004 and has had the best part of a decade to build up its support in elections before the explosion in 2012. In most elections they received around 5% of the vote, which to the British left would be nothing short of a breakthrough. Patience and a long-term view of politics is essential to make such a project work. But then, maybe the British “explosion” will happen sooner since any new organisation built will be involved in tenacious struggle against austerity from day one.

We also could not limit ourselves to electoral politics as SYRIZA seems to have an inclination to do. While some of the more radical elements within the coalition are organising forums and initiatives outside of the parliamentary process, it is essential as part of our strategy to see elections as a subordinate part of the wider struggle, not the primary focus. If SYRIZA imagines that it can really reverse the austerity measures and revive Greece only through governing the capitalist state they will be in for a rude shock. When it comes to Greece’s political and economic future, the European Central Bank and the leaders of France and Germany, not to mention the Greek capitalist class, are all in a far more powerful position than the parliament in Athens; removing their support and control mechanisms would be a crucial task for any radical government.

Campaigning for a united, radical left formation in Britain should be an essential part of the Anticapitalist Initiative’s (ACI) work in the coming months and years. Even more so, 2013 should be the year that serious steps are made to bring together a re-alignment on the left. We have had our fingers burnt in the past, but we cannot let past failures haunt us. If we fail to rise to the challenge, then we will deserve the defeats inflicted on us by the ruling class.

But the working class and the poor do not deserve them. It is not their fault the left is so weak – it’s ours. Now we have to get our house in order so that we can create a movement that can fight austerity and challenge capitalism.

Simon Hardy is a member of the new Anticapitalist Initiative (ACI), which, according to its website, seeks “to search out avenues for unity and co-operation that presents radical and socialist ideas in a way that is more appealing to new layers of activists. We will promote activity and struggle that aims to overcome division and sectarianism and points the way to a new type of society without exploitation and oppression.”

 

Notes

[1] Read Dan Hind’s article here http://aje.me/U5lUOj. It subsequently drew a critically examination from Socialist Workers Party member Richard Seymour at his Lenin’s Tomb blog http://www.leninology.com/2012/08/the-problem-of-left-unity.html.

[2] See http://www.socialistunity.com/galloway-on-respect/ and also http://www.redpepper.org.uk/Car-crash-on-the-left.

Originally at LINKS: International Journal of Socialist Renewal: http://links.org.au/node/3054

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Bonuses for Some

THE COALITION SPENDING REVIEW AND LABOUR’S ALTERNATIVE

PUBLIC MEETING: The Coalition Spending Review and Labour’s Alternative

7-9pm Thursday 21 October
House of Commons, Committee Room 14, St. Stephen’s entrance.

Jon Cruddas MP, Frances O’Grady (Deputy General Secretary of the TUC), Polly Toynbee (The Guardian), Larry Elliott (The Guardian), Chair Aditya Chakrabortty (The Guardian)

Places are limited. Please register by emailing newpolecon@googlemail.com
Organised by the New Political Economy Network, Soundings and Compass, in association with The Guardian

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A World To Win

SOUNDINGS 45

Soundings 45 is now out

Although the cuts are coming, there has been an eerie political calm and sense of inevitability about all that is in store for us (carefully nurtured by the Coalition and their allies in the media). But the storm will break – people are going to start seriously suffering and we need to ensure that there is a political battle against the assault planned by the government. Can Labour lead this battle?

CONTENTS

The political struggle ahead
Doreen Massey

Labour in a time of coalition
Sally Davison, Stuart Hall, Michael Rustin, Jonathan Rutherford

What comes after New Labour?
Gerry Hassan

The SNP and the ‘new politics’
Richard Thompson

Rebuilding social democracy
George Irvin

Greek myths
Duncan Weldon

Money manager capitalism and the global financial crisis
L. Randall Wray

Carbon trading: how it works and why it fails
Oscar Reyes and Tamra Gilbertson

Why I am a socialist
Ruth Levitas

Smile till it hurts
Laurie Penny

Lives on the line
Vron Ware

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Lost

LABOUR’S FUTURE

Labour’s Future
Edited by Jonathan Rutherford and Alan Lockey
© Soundings 2010

CONTRIBUTORS: Philip Collins, Sally Davison, Jeremy Gilbert, Stuart Hall, David Lammy, Neal Lawson, Doreen Massey, Anthony Painter, James Purnell, Michael Rustin, Jonathan Rutherford, Marc Stears, Allegra Stratton, Heather Wakefield, Stuart White

http://www.lwbooks.co.uk/ebooks/laboursfuture.html

In May, Soundings and the Open Left project at Demos organised a seminar with Jon Cruddas and David Miliband. The aim was to explore both differences and common ground, and the prospects for cross-party political renewal.

This e-book offers a series of short essays from participants that we hope broadly reflects the debate, and offers some of the groundwork for developing a wider discussion about Labour’s future.

Published jointly by Soundings and Open Left at Demos

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David Cameron

‘THE MEANING OF DAVID CAMERON’ – WITH RICHARD SEYMOUR

Wednesday, 26 May 2010
Time: 19:00 – 21:00
Location: Housmans Bookshop
Street: 5 Caledonian Road, Kings Cross
Town/City: London, United Kingdom

Description:
Richard Seymour, blogger of ‘Lenin’s Tomb’ fame, and author of ‘The Liberal Defence of Murder’ will be in store discussing his latest publication, ‘The Meaning of David Cameron’.

The Tories are posing as a ‘progressive’ and ‘radical’ alternative to New Labour. Drawing from George W Bush’s ‘compassionate conservatism’, they maintain that the ‘Big Society’ can do what ‘Big Government’ cannot – produce a cohesive, mutually supportive, happy society. Cameron’s court intellectual, Philip Blond, maintains that this if David Cameron’, which is a viable alternative to the failures of the egalitarian left and the excessively pro-market right. But is this more than campaign mood music? And are the conservative traditions that they draw on – from the bucolic, pseudo-medievalism of G K Chesterton to the anti-statism of Friedrich Hayek – really a bulwark of progress and radicalism?

Richard Seymour argues that such ideas can only seem ‘progressive’ in light of New Labour’s acquiescence to Thatcherism. To understand the Cameronites, it is necessary to understand how the social landscape and corresponding political language was transformed by the collapse of post-war social democracy and its more radical competitors. To resist the Cameronites, he argues, it is necessary to attack the neoliberal consensus on which all major parties found their programme.

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Deadwing

THE 2010 GENERAL ELECTION: WILL IT MEAN ANYTHING AT ALL?

University of East London School of Humanities and Social Sciences

In association with OurKingdom, presents:

The 2010 General Election: Will it Mean Anything at All?

A Public Seminar

21st April 2010

Is there any scope for a progressive electoral strategy?

Have we left the era of representative democracy behind?

Details (and an excellent article by Jeremy Gilbert) at: http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/jeremy-gilbert/2010-general-election-will-it-mean-anything-at-all

UEL staff are joined by two leading political commentators to discuss the issues

Anthony Barnett, founder of openDemocracy.net and editor of the OurKingdom blog (see his recent article for New Statesman at http://www.newstatesman.com/uk-politics/2010/03/labour-brown-british-britain)

Richard Seymour, author of The Liberal Defence of Murder and blogger at Lenin’s Tomb See: http://www.culturalstudies.org.uk/April.html for full details 

You may also be interested in a pair of seminars planned to follow the election at the Centre for the study of Global Media and Democracy, Goldsmiths [www.goldsmiths.ac.uk/global-media-democracy/], starting their new series around the question ‘Is Democracy Possible Here in the UK?’:

May 13 Post-Election Reflections with Angela McRobbie (Goldsmiths, author of The Aftermath of Feminism, 2009) and Colin Leys (Goldsmiths and Queens University, Ontario, author of Market-Driven Politics, 2000).

May 20 Democratic Futures? Democracy beyond the UK with Jeremy Gilbert (UEL, author of Anticapitalism and Culture, 2008), Alice Mattoni (European University Institute, Florence) and Samuel Toledano (International Visiting Fellow, Goldsmiths)

Both 5:30pm Goldsmiths main building RHB 309

For more details, write to Nick Couldry, n.couldry@gold.ac.uk

PLUS April 29 Luc Boltanski and Nancy Fraser in discussion on Capitalism and

Critique – Goldsmiths main building RHB 309 5-7pm, followed by drinks reception

For more details, write to Nick Couldry, n.couldry@gold.ac.uk

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Despair

Despair

WHERE IS THE LABOUR PARTY GOING?

 

The next of The Commune’s London public forums is on the subject of the social role, degeneration and future course of the Labour Party. The meeting takes place from 7pm on Monday 23rd November at the Lucas Arms, Grays Inn Road, near King’s Cross.

The discussion will be led off by Chris Ford from The Commune, Andrew Fisher from the Labour Representation Committee and David Bailey, Department of Political Science and International Studies, University of Birmingham, and author of ‘The Transition to ‘New’ Social Democracy: the role of capitalism, representation, and (hampered) contestation’.

The Commune London Public Forum on the Labour Party: http://thecommune.wordpress.com/2009/11/01/where-is-the-labour-party-going-23rd-november-london-forum/

The Commune: http://thecommune.wordpress.com/

Posted here by Glenn Rikowski

The Flow of Ideas: http://www.flowideas.co.uk